Mandela joined the ANC in 1944, helping to form the ANC Youth League, a militant group intended to serve as a recruiting ground for potential communists and which became part of the pro-Soviet World Federation of Democratic Youth. In 1961, under the banner of the SACP, he and Slovo launched Umkhonto we Sizwe, designed to serve as a terrorist strike force and act as the primary instrument to achieve Communist revolution in SA. A “high command” was set up to control MK, with Mandela as its first “Commander-in-Chief.”
By the end of 1962, the ANC/SACP – largely under Mandela’s direction – had sent hundreds of ANC youths for training in revolutionary terrorism, killing and destruction, in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North Korea, the USSR, East Germany, Red China and Czechoslovakia. Those going into African states were instructed never to disclose the fact that they were Communists.
On July 16, 1963, after an investigative break, the police raided the farm Lilliesleaf, Rivonia. Mountains of documents were recovered. One document provided in the most minute detail the plans for MK’s “Operation Mayibuye,” a blueprint for seizing control of the country by means of sabotage, terrorism, revolution and guerilla war.
These plans closely paralleled the actions used in the bloody Algerian revolution: scarcely surprising, seeing that Mandela had previously travelled to Algeria for personal instruction in revolutionary tactics, his tutors some of the worst killers of the 20th Century, men such as Ait Hamouda, whose advice was to drive the masses into the extremist camp by trapping them in a “sandwich of terror.” Moderates on all sides should be eliminated, as brutally as possible. “One mutilated corpse in a suit is always worth more than 20 in uniform.”
Mandela learnt his odious lessons well. One of the captured papers was a 94-page tract on revolution, in his own writing, declaring that “traitors and informers should be ruthlessly eliminated.” He advocated “cutting off their noses… pour encourager les autres”… to encourage the others.
Another document, also in Mandela’s own handwriting, How To Be a Good Communist, held that only “revolution and not the slow change or reforms the reactionaries and liberals often advise,” could bring about “the transition from capitalism to socialism. One therefore must be a revolutionary, not a reformist.” Further: “The aim of studying Marxist philosophy is to enable us to direct more effectively revolutionary mass struggles… the Communist movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be realised.”
In recent years it has been argued that Mandela, with this, was simply copying the text of a Chinese revolutionary document. Experts in this field have compared the two documents and challenge this explanation, saying that the Mandela document is an original bearing little resemblance to the Chinese manuscript.
At no time during the trial did the defence challenge the authenticity or authorship of the documents submitted. On the contrary, counsel for the defence stated that “in the face of the overwhelming bulk of evidence” against his clients, it would be “futile to refute any of the charges.” So incriminating were the documents that the prosecution believed it could have obtained convictions on these alone.
The court found that Mandela, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu and Slovo planned to overthrow the SA Government as early as 1964 or 1965, using the Algerian revolution as their model. For reasons never satisfactorily explained, the men were not arraigned on the capital charge of high treason. Had that been done, and had they been executed, SA’s later history would have been very different.
The deliberate media evasiveness about Mandela’s well-documented past does not augur well for the future. Against that background, could Mandela really be entrusted with the future of the “New SA”? Cantankerous and not very astute, often (as with his attacks on De Klerk) mean and petty, could he be expected to produce lasting and realistic solutions to the immense problems of this deeply troubled country? With his particular record, would it be logical to expect him to achieve an enduring settlement and reconciliation?
Frankly, we very much doubt it. We believe that those – Big Business in particular – who delude themselves that the ANC/SACP alliance can deliver a democratic, free market, prosperous SA, a thriving multi-party democracy, are riding for a very hard fall indeed. Rather than producing a stable, productive and safe SA for members of all races, it today looks more and more as though the New SA, under any ANC government, would be built on the lines laid down by Operation Mayibuye in 1964.
We think this because we believe that Mandela, with his lingering socialism, his push for votes for 14-year-olds, his antique notions of a “People’s Democracy,” his fond embrace of his “brothers” in Terrorist International, Arafat, Gaddafi and Castro, simply does not possess the substance needed to deliver the goods.
We look, too, at the gross incompetence of his organisation. The myth persists that the ANC is a united and comprehensively representative body of Black aspirations. In hard fact, the ANC is a chaotic organisation split between Marxist/Leninists, Stalinists, Trotskyites, Black nationalists, the township elders and the township “comrades” – now totally out of control – and a substantial proportion of venal, third-rate characters whose sole aim for themselves is an affluent lifestyle.
We do not believe that Mandela is any more representative of SA Blacks than we are. The ANC, with its unbridled violence, its intimidation, its communist links, is cordially detested by millions of Black South Africans. As for Mandela, they have little use for a lifelong fellow traveller now enjoying a lifestyle the vast majority of his followers cannot even attempt to envisage.
Summing up, we believe that SA Blacks need and deserve a much, much better way of life: and that the chances of the ANC delivering on that are exactly zero. For confirmation you have only to look north to see what a hash their ideological comrade, Robert Mugabe, has made of “democracy” in Zimbabwe, let alone the appalling bloodletting in Angola under the US-supported, Marxist MPLA. Is it necessary that we repeat the mistakes of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Namibia? Obviously Mandela – and the Nobel Peace Prize Selection Committee – say yes, it is.
In our opinion, the granting of this year’s “Peace” is a shame and a sham.